Monday, April 28, 2008

FP: The Top 100 Public Intellectuals

Foreign Policy Magazine
May/June 2008

Want to help choose the world’s top public intellectuals?
Place your votes at:

They are some of the world’s most introspective philosophers and rabble-rousing clerics. A few write searing works of fiction and uncover the mysteries of the human mind. Others are at the forefront of modern finance, politics, and human rights. In the second Foreign Policy/Prospect list of top public intellectuals, we reveal the thinkers who are shaping the tenor of our time.

We chose the first 100. Now, it’s your chance to choose who should receive top honors by voting for the world’s top five public intellectuals. The list of the Top 20 Public Intellectuals—based on your votes—will be published in our July/August issue.

Here’s how to vote:

1. Choose your five top intellectuals in the ballot below by clicking on an individual’s name. (If you are unfamiliar with any of our picks, just check out their bios.) To undo a pick, simply click the box again.

2. Write in a candidate. Who should we have included, but did not? Click the “Write in a candidate” option at the bottom of the ballot, and let us know who we missed.

3. Submit your votes.

You may only vote once. Voting closes May 15.

Criteria: Although the men and women on this list are some of the world’s most sophisticated thinkers, the criteria to make the list could not be more simple. Candidates must be living and still active in public life. They must have shown distinction in their particular field as well as an ability to influence wider debate, often far beyond the borders of their own country.


Friday, April 25, 2008

Latin American Politics and Society

Latin American Politics and Society
Spring 2008 - Vol. 50 Issue 1 Page iii-216


From Pariah State to Global Protagonist: Argentina and the Struggle for International Human Rights

Kathryn Sikkink

pages 1–29


Full Text PDF (399 KB)

Liberal and Illiberal Democracy in Latin America

Peter H. Smith Melissa R. Ziegler

pages 31–57


Full Text PDF (393 KB)

Paul G. Buchanan

pages 59–89


Full Text PDF (224 KB)

José Pedro Zúquete

pages 91–121


Full Text PDF (225 KB)

Omar Sanchez
pages 123–151


Full Text PDF (216 KB)

Richard Feinberg

pages 153–168


Full Text PDF (168 KB)

Michelle D. Bonner

pages 169–183


Full Text PDF (164 KB)

pages 185–216


Full Text PDF (213 KB)

Sunday, April 20, 2008

Cities on the Earth (VI): Mexico City, Munich, San Francisco, Taipei, Tehran

Mexico City / Mexico

Munich, Germany

San Francisco, USA

Taipei, Taiwan

Tehran, Iran


Algiers, Algeria
Ashgabat, Turkmenistan
Bucharest, Romania
Toronto, Canada
Paris, France

Dublin, Ireland
Lagos, Nigeria
Lima, Peru
Lisbon, Portugal
Manila, Philippines

Baku, Azerbaijan
Damascus, Syria
New York, USA
Oslo, Norway
Riga, Latvia

Caracas, Venezuela
Singapore City, Singapore
Tel Aviv, Israel
Warsaw, Poland
Washington D.C., USA


Friday, April 18, 2008

The Colors of Earth (VII)




Thursday, April 17, 2008

Turkish Democracy at the Crossroads

Şaban Kardaş, University of Utah

As several observers of Turkish politics concur, since the beginning of the year we have been witnessing an undeclared bureaucratic -- i.e., judicial -- coup in the making. Far from upholding the rule of law, the closure case against the governing Justice and Development Party (AK Party) is widely viewed as part and parcel of a political and ideological position that hardly stands any chance of gaining the public's approval through legitimate democratic channels. It is, in that sense, an attempt for the imposition of a particular ideology and political project on the Turkish society through extra-political channels, not unlike previous military interventions. The growing assertiveness of the judiciary emerges as yet another challenge to the consolidation of democracy, similar to the negative effects of military coups on democratization.

Democratic consolidation

As scholars on democratic transition, like Adam Przeworski, argue, democracy implies subjecting all interests to competition and institutionalized uncertainty. A consolidated democracy is one that is self-enforcing, i.e., an equilibrium in which major political actors agree to submit their interests and values to the outcome of institutional rules which are unknown ex ante. The process of democratic consolidation refers to passing a threshold beyond which all actors, including the losers, agree to avoid intervening to reverse outcomes of the political process through extra-political channels. To put it differently, consolidation alters the preferences and strategies of political actors, and democracy becomes the only game in town.

Because the armed forces are the most significant actors with a capability to overturn the constitutional order and reverse political outcomes, transitions from authoritarian rule in most cases go hand in hand, and come to be identified, with a struggle for withdrawal of the military from civilian politics and the enhancing of civilian control over the military. The processes of democratization and re-democratization are complex in nature. The factors that lead to the transformation of an authoritarian regime and the factors that give way to installation and eventual consolidation of a stable democratic rule may differ. The consolidation of democracy, in most cases, has been more troublesome than the transition to democracy.

Opportunity costs of guardianship: barriers to consolidation

Turkish democracy suffered a great deal from periodic military interventions and indirect interferences in civilian politics. Because direct military rule was short lived, re-democratizations were achieved in a relatively short time period in the Turkish case. Because the Turkish military preferred to exert its influence through indirect channels, however, the consolidation of democracy was never completed. The costs of military interventions, therefore, went beyond forcing a temporary vacation from the democratic experience, instead leaving permanent effects in their aftermath. For one, the dark shadow of new constitutional orders created by military regimes and the institutions put in place by soldiers have continued to narrow the scope of democratic politics in subsequent periods.

To the extent that non-political interference remains an option, democracy can hardly establish itself as the only game in town. This situation brings forth an important question, posed by Przeworski, which is crucial for the durability of democracy: How can losers to abide by democratic decisions and support, rather than subvert, democratic institutions. In a setting characterized by military or other non-political guardianship over a democratic mandate, the preference and strategies of political actors differ from the patterns in established democracies. As long as losers have incentives to utilize undemocratic avenues to realize their political projects, their commitment to democracy and the outcome of democratic processes will be hindered. The winners, in contrast, never feel fully secure despite the popular legitimacy they possess. Their survival instinct forces them to put a high premium on avoiding a possible intervention, which is not conducive to deepening democratization. In the Turkish case, for one, the shadow of intervention has set major brakes against any party seeking to dismantle the remnants of authoritarianism in the Turkish state system. More importantly, the use of non-political channels has served to perpetuate the limited notion of democracy underpinning the right/center-right position -- i.e., winners -- in Turkish politics.

The standard framework of analysis for politics in multi-party period in Turkey was based on center-periphery dichotomy, namely a struggle for redefining the balance of power between the core institutions that traditionally are controlled by non-elected state elites representing the state power and the peripheral societal actors, which have been represented by various right and center-right parties. As a matter of fact, the major currency of center-right parties in their quest for recognition against the establishment was their staunch commitment to a narrow notion of procedural democracy. Using the power of ballot box effectively, they made significant advances in expanding their power and influence. As the successor of the center-right position, representing large segments of the Turkish society that are upwardly mobile and increasingly ambitious to share political power, yet determined to maintain their conservative lifestyle, the AK Party is poised to encounter the bureaucratic core. The current crisis is yet another showdown in this perennial struggle.

Just as extra-political interventions prevent parties representing the state ideology from fully embracing popular legitimacy, they also relieve the parties advocating a center-right platform from the burden of going beyond a minimalist conceptualization of democracy. It is in that regard illustrative to recall the shooting game between the Republican People's Party (CHP) and the AK Party; the former threatening to refer legislative acts to judicial review by the court, and the latter referring to -- early -- elections and referenda. The idea that bureaucratic establishment seeks to constrain the demands of peripheral forces has provided center-right parties with a custom-made mobilization tool, as the good showing of the AK Party in the July 2007 elections attests. The feeling of encirclement by the bureaucratic core, moreover, has forced these peripheral sectors into a defensive mood to preserve the precious mechanical features of democratic process from bureaucratic encroachment. Democratization in that sense is reduced to an ongoing struggle to ensure the continuation of the game.

Political liberalization as strategy of survival

Democracy, however, is a moving target, and ensuring the right to contestation and participation are necessary but insufficient qualifications for cotemporary liberal democracies based on the indispensability of basic freedoms. Although the concept of liberal democracy tends to equate democratization and liberalization, these two concepts refer to two interrelated but independent phenomena. Democratic consolidation today means a transition from procedural democracy to liberal democracy.

The AK Party leadership appears to have concluded that the party's survival depends on further democratization. It also must have realized that winning elections is no longer a panacea. For the consolidation of a thicker notion of democracy, the AK Party needs to revitalize the liberal roots of the center-right tradition and go beyond minimalist democracy. Without expanding pluralism and freedom, it is difficult to eliminate reserved domains of power for social or political forces that are not democratically accountable. Such a freedom-oriented perspective also would be the best way to reconfigure the system of constitutional checks and balances. By moving away from the current system which serves to maintain a state ideology against social trends to a system that guarantees basic rights and civil liberties without discriminating between societal preferences, it could develop truly "democratic" controls over democratic outcomes. By protecting individuals and groups against arbitrary treatment by not only other individuals and groups but also the state, the AK Party could level the playing field for all. Agreeing to limit not only the state power but also the governmental power and to expand freedoms for all, the AK Party could best alleviate the fears that it is manipulating its electoral successes to install a majoritarian democracy.

Today's Zaman 4.15.2008

Wednesday, April 16, 2008

Does Europe Have an Ethical Power?

International Affairs
January 2008 - Vol. 84 Issue 1 Page 1-189

Ethical power Europe?

pages 1–11
pages 13–28
pages 29–44
pages 45–60
pages 62–79
pages 81–96
pages 97–114
pages 115–130
pages 131–143

Monday, April 14, 2008

Science and Religion, 400 B.C.-A.D. 1550: From Aristotle to Copernicus

Edward Grant. Science and Religion, 400 B.C.-A.D. 1550: From Aristotle to Copernicus. Greenwood Guides to Science and Religion Series. Westport: Greenwood Press, 2004.
Reviewed by: Anna Marie Roos, Wellcome Unit, Oxford University.
Published by: H-Ideas (October, 2007)
Objective and Subjective Insights: Theology, Natural Philosophy, and the Medieval World View

Medievalist Edward Grant has devoted much of his career to analyzing to what extent modern scientific culture had its origins in the work of medieval theologians. Countering the popular perception that science and religion have always been at historical odds, a view promulgated by Andrew Dickson White's A History of the Warfare of Science with Theology in Christendom (1896 and still in print), Grant has convincingly demonstrated that the medieval Church was favorably disposed towards natural philosophy, using its principles in theological discussion and analysis.

Science and Religion, 400 B.C.-A.D.1550: From Aristotle to Copernicus is a lucid and erudite synthesis of Grant's past work. Part of the Greenwood Guides to Science and Religion, this volume is designed as an introduction to laymen and students so they might understand how religious traditions from throughout the globe have interacted with scientific disciplines. Hence, Grant devotes the last chapter of his piece to an erudite consideration of the relationships between science and religion in Byzantium as well as in the medieval Islamic world. The books in the series also provide primary source documents, an annotated bibliography, and a timeline of significant events. As a testament to its popularity for history of science pedagogy, Grant's particular volume has also been republished in paperback by John Hopkins University Press (2006).

Grant begins his largely successful survey with the claim that the "real beginnings of science and religion commenced with Plato and his student Aristotle" (p. 1). Although one could argue that the pre-Socratics in Miletus began such discourse, Grant is right to devote much of the first part of his work to Aristotle's overweening influence in the science-religion dialogue. Aristotle's conception of the Prime Mover which ultimately caused all interaction and change by being an object of desire and love, the Stagyrite's spatial and material distinction between the heavenly and sublunar realms, and his teleological cosmos were all part of a metaphysics that became a "dominant analytical tool" when applied to the Christian God in late antiquity and the early Middle Ages (p. 19). Particularly strong is Grant's overview in chapter 2 of the sheer scope of Aristotle's corpus of work as well as his techniques for analyzing philosophical problems.

Grant then analyzes early Christianity, demonstrating that the early Church fathers studied natural philosophy largely to comprehend the Christian faith, rather than for the sake of knowledge itself. Natural philosophy was a handmaiden to theology. Since God had "created the world as an essentially self-operating entity" functioning by its own laws, it was thought "the mind must penetrate nature to find God" (p. 135). Grant takes the time and care to introduce students to lesser-known theologians such as Justin Martyr, Clement of Alexandria, and John of Damascus, and recounts their attempts to reconcile pagan Greek philosophy with Christianity, rather than just jumping ahead to St. Augustine and his assimilation of Neo-Platonism with Christianity.

In chapter 4, there is also an excellent section on early hexameral literature (commentary on the six days of creation). Grant notes that the problems concerned with the creation of light in the first day (optics), the role of astronomy and astrology in the events of day two, and meteorological analysis of the third day when God made the elements and sublunar region demonstrate the use of hexameral literature as a important and logical means for theologians to discuss natural philosophy. Further, Grant's explanation of why logic became a major subject of study in the eleventh century, his analysis of the extent to which logic was applied to medieval questions of divine revelation, and the role logic played in later struggles between science and religion is also particularly noteworthy. Undergraduates reading this will understand what questiones, scholasticism, and the sententiae of Peter Lombard were all about, mostly likely to the great relief of their instructors.

After a brief discussion of the Latin encyclopedists in the fifth to eighth centuries, the work turns to the twelfth-century medieval Renaissance. As this is a work of science and religion, it is natural that Grant would concentrate upon medieval scholasticism and the rise of universities, as well as the influx of Greco-Arabic natural philosophy and the bearing it had on theological deliberations. However, in his contextual section for the twelfth century, I was a bit surprised that there was little discussion of technological innovations other than the horse collar and three-field system of crop rotation. Since one of its book's purposes is to show the harmony of medieval philosophy and religion with the study of the natural world, it couldn't hurt to mention that medieval engineers created innovations such as the water wheel and water pumps, the lateen sail, or most importantly, the mechanical clock. The mechanical clock was thought to have been invented in 996 to call monastic brethren to prayer by Brother Gerbert, later Pope Sylvester II (999-1003 A.D.), in itself a nice confluence of applied sciences and religious purpose.

I was, however, pleased to see a thorough section describing the work of what Tina Stiefel has termed the "impious men" of the twelfth century--William of Conches, Thierry of Chartres, and Adelard of Bath.[1] This trio attempted to create a rational methodology for the investigation of nature well before the appearance in the West of the Aristotelian corpus and the university. When Aristotle did become part and parcel of the medieval university, their methodology contributed to powerful changes in the relationship between science and religion in the following two centuries, the subject of the masterfully written chapters 6 and 7.

In the thirteenth century, the extensive application of logic and region in the new universities to divine questions produced tensions between faculties of arts and theology in the medieval university, as natural philosophy became more than theology's handmaiden. Utilizing the 1277 papal condemnation of heretical opinions at the University of Paris as a backdrop, Grant shows how the condemned precepts included ideas of the eternity of the world, and limitations on God's power. These precepts reflected the natural philosophers' use of pagan philosophy and reasoned speculation about creation, both of which were seen as threatening theology's primacy as "queen of the sciences." As Grant astutely comments, "The thirteenth century laid a foundation for the interrelations between science and religion in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries…. Theology and the power of the church were sufficient to curb and limit the ambitions of the arts masters, who sought … to give free reign to their efforts to interpret the physical cosmos in straightforward Aristotelian terms, unencumbered by theological restrictions and limitations. As the dust settled in the fourteenth century, it became obvious that theologians had an enormous degree of latitude to use natural philosophy … as they pleased in their theological treatises…. By contrast, arts masters usually sought to avoid introducing theology into their commentaries and questions on the books of Aristotle's natural philosophy" (p. 189).

Using examples from his previous work, Grant analyzes the treatises of Jean Buridan to show the limitations arts faculty in the thirteenth century experienced in their speculative work, sometimes with unexpected consequences.[2] If God could indeed do anything in his power, Buridan reasoned God could create a vacuum within or outside of the world, despite Aristotle's denial of the possibility. Albert of Saxony also speculated if a "body could move in a vacuum that God had supernaturally created," which led other scholars such as Nicolas Oresme and Thomas Bradwardine to consider rectilinear motion as an absolute motion independent of place (p. 196). In a lovely example of the interaction of science and religion, Grant demonstrates to what extent the condemnation of 1277 had unexpected effects on the development of physics.

As the fourteenth century progressed however, the restrictions of the 1277 condemnation did not last. Theology became more of an analytic discipline, using the logical methods of the natural philosophers. Interest in divine infinity was analyzed using tools concerned with the infinite divisibility of a mathematical continuum. Grosseteste's work on optics used theories of illumination to analyze the intensification of grace, and the Mertonian school at Oxford in the 1330s and 1340s "measured" subjective qualities like justice and honor quantitatively.[3] The one area of theology closed to such analysis was that related to revelation, such as the Trinity and the Eucharist. Their inherent paradoxes were regarded beyond the reach of reason and logic.

From the thirteenth to the fifteenth centuries, the revelations of Holy Scripture and where they contradicted observed natural phenomena were also accommodated, the mysteries as the Bible seen as allegorical. Despite the later clash (Grant calls it a "debacle") in the seventeenth century over Galileo's adoption of Copernicus' heliocentrism in contradiction to biblical geocentrism, medieval philosophers had little interest to "convert the Bible into a book that allegedly contained the secrets of nature and its operations" (p. 224). So far, so good. In these areas of Grant's expertise, this book shines and demonstrates to its readers the interaction between science and religion in the medieval period with erudition. But I did note a few omissions. First of all, Copernicus and his significance are given very short shrift (approximately six to eight sentences scattered throughout the book). Perhaps the Copernican debt to earlier belief systems such as the cult of Pythagoras and Neo-Platonism could have been covered more thoroughly to foreshadow the growing influence of Plato in the Renaissance. This approach may have not fit into as neat of a pattern or argument, but the volume does claim to end with the Copernican hypothesis which perhaps should do more than mark the "beginning of the end for the medieval worldview" (p. 1).

Secondly, the choice of primary sources, while offering some excellent selections, starts with Roger Bacon and ends with Nicolas Oresme, and could have been a bit more comprehensive. If the book is used as a pedagogical tool, primary sources from ancient world and the beginnings of the early modern period should be represented.

Third, Grant then claims in his last chapter that the division of the medieval university into faculties of arts and theology foreshadowed the later division in Western societies of church and state, and that was a very good thing for science indeed.[4] For this reader, the Galileo affair which helped precipitate this division was more of a tragedy then something that resulted in an ultimate good. As an early modernist, it seems to me that the church and state were intertwined for a very long time in a complex dialogue which resulted in both benefits and tragedies; in the human condition, it seems realistically one cannot have one without the other. Galileo was condemned by the Church being caught in the political snares of the Counter-Reformation, but he also benefited from the knowledge of its Jesuit astronomers and mathematicians. As Wallace has demonstrated, Galileo's very lecture notes from his student days at the University of Pisa had as their source the lectures of the Jesuits at the Collegio Romano, considered the best in their field.[5] Copernicus, who inadvertently started the whole firestorm, was a church canon, whose motivation for his science was often frankly quite mystical and precipitated a watershed in thought. In the early modern period, the sense of awe at nature and a celebration of scientific discovery were not incompatible with a religious worldview, nor is that necessarily the case now. But that is getting into a wholly different debate outside the scope of this review.[6]

Nonetheless Grant's book is very fine and a pleasure to peruse. For those who want or need to understand the fascinating and often surprising world of Western medieval religion and its interaction with natural philosophy, this book is the one to read. I highly recommend it.


[1]. Tina Stiefel, "'Impious Men'": Twelfth-Century Attempts to Apply Dialectic to the World of Nature," Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 441, no. 1 (1995): 187-204

[2]. Edward Grant, Much Ado about Nothing: Theories of Space and Vacuum from the Middle Ages to the Scientific Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004).

[3]. Grant here relies on the work of Edith Sylla, "Medieval Quantifications of Qualities: The "Merton School," Archive for History of Exact Sciences 8, nos. 1-2 (1971): 9-39.

[4]. Grant's conclusion seems a variation of Steven Jay Gould's concept of science and religion being described as "non-overlapping magisteria" (NOMA), which each concerns themselves with fundamentally separate aspects of human experience, coexisting peacefully when each stays within its own domain.

[5]. William A. Wallace, Galileo and his Sources: The Heritage of the Collegio Romano in Galileo's Science (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984); James M. Lattis, Between Copernicus and Galileo: Christoph Clavius and the Collapse of Ptolemaic Cosmology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994).

[6]. For the recent state of affairs, see George Johnson, "A Free-for-All on Science and Religion," New York Times, November 21, 2006.


Friday, April 11, 2008

Cities on the Earth (V): Amsterdam, Athens, Boston, Casablanca, Kuala Lumpur

Amsterdam, Netherlands

Athens / Greece

Boston, USA

Casablanca, Morocco

Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia

Mexico City, Mexico
Munich, Germany
San Francisco, USA
Taipei, Taiwan
Tehran, Iran

Sunday, April 06, 2008

Cities on the Earth (IV): Cape Town, Madrid, Sao Paulo, Seoul, Vancouver

Cape Town, South Africa

Madrid, Spain

Sao Paulo, Brazil

Seoul, South Korea

Vancouver, Canada

Amsterdam, Netherlands
Athens, Greece
Boston, USA
Casablanca, Morocco
Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia

Mexico City, Mexico
Munich, Germany
San Francisco, USA
Taipei, Taiwan
Tehran, Iran

Thursday, April 03, 2008

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